Symposium | Bipartisanship Reinvigorated

Educating for Democracy: The Case for a New Civics

By Danielle S. Allen Carah Ong Whaley

Tagged CivicsEducation

The ongoing period of democratic backsliding in the United States and around the world, characterized by pernicious polarization, declining trust in democratic institutions, and a troubling openness of citizens to non-democratic alternatives, highlights an urgent need for a renewed focus on civic education. As defined by political scientist Nancy Bermeo in 2016, democratic backsliding involves the state-led debilitation or elimination of political institutions that sustain democracy, which can occur not just when military strongmen or unelected dictators impose their will by fiat, but through a diverse set of processes and actors. Reducing voter access, politicizing election administration, eroding trust in election results, restricting criticism of government, and lessening civil service independence have all contributed to democratic backsliding in the United States, and consequently to historically low levels of public confidence in democratic processes and institutions and to a rise in the potential for political violence​​.

Even more alarming, multiple studies have shown that younger Americans are losing faith in democracy, and a significant number of them are no longer convinced that it should endure, given the political failure to address issues that they care about. A 2023 Harvard Youth Poll found that a significant majority of 18- to 29-year-olds (58 percent) agreed with the statement that “Politics today are no longer able to meet the challenges our country is facing.” This aligns with broader findings that show public confidence in the federal government has been low for decades. According to the Pew Research Center, as of April 2024, fewer than a quarter of Americans say they trust the government in Washington to do what is right “just about always” (2 percent) or “most of the time” (21 percent)—among the lowest levels in trust recorded over nearly seven decades of polling.

This situation urgently calls for excellent civic education to foster informed and engaged citizens prepared to uphold democratic values and processes​​. A decades-long reduction in civic education investment, however, has led to significantly less funding for civics compared to science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) education. The U.S. government allocates over 100 times more funding to STEM programs in public schools—about $54 per student annually—than to civic education programs, which receive less than 50 cents per student each year. This underinvestment has contributed to a decline in civic knowledge and engagement among Americans, particularly among young people. And it is partly to blame, too, for young Americans’ disillusionment with democracy and alarming levels of interest in illiberal forms of governance.

Reimagining and reinvesting in civic education can help reverse these trends by preparing individuals to participate responsibly and effectively in democratic processes and institutions. High-quality civic learning fosters reflective patriotism, understanding of democratic principles, and engagement in civic activities. The result will be a more informed, active, and resilient citizenry capable of sustaining democratic institutions and values. Congress has a crucial role to play in addressing this need by prioritizing and funding civic education initiatives that can counteract the negative trends and strengthen the foundation of American democracy​.

Revitalizing Civic Education

For most U.S. students, civic education consists of an incongruous variety of classes or units that may only scratch the surface. Only five states have a standalone civics requirement in middle school. Only 37 have a standalone civics requirement in high school. Of these, most states require only a one-semester high school civics course, giving students only about three and a half months of instruction to acquire essential civic knowledge and skills. This is a decline from previous eras, when as many as three courses were required. Standards can also vary greatly, creating gaps in access to quality civic education. In a 2021 review of K-12 civics and U.S. history standards, a group of specialists and educators rated only five jurisdictions “exemplary” (Alabama, California, Massachusetts, Tennessee, and the District of Columbia), while ten states were deemed “good.” In contrast, 15 states were labeled “mediocre” in at least one subject, and 20 states were rated “inadequate” in both.

Fortunately, some federal lawmakers are recognizing the urgent need for civic education. For instance, the bipartisan Civics Secures Democracy Act proposes an investment of $1 billion annually over five years to support a more comprehensive approach to providing high-quality civic education. Key provisions focus on reversing chronic underinvestment, expanding access to civic education, and improving and encouraging frequent administration of the National Assessment of Educational Progress to track student outcomes. Funding for state education agencies, allocated based on a formula, would be distributed to districts to support civics and history programs, with an emphasis on closing civics achievement gaps. The bill also includes competitive grants for higher education institutions, nonprofits, and researchers to develop and provide access to evidence-based civics and history curricula and programs. Importantly, it would enhance and diversify the nation’s history and civics teaching workforce by offering a fellowship to recognize outstanding educators from underrepresented communities, providing them with a supplemental stipend in exchange for a five-year teaching commitment.

The Civics Secures Democracy Act has garnered broad bipartisan support, with more than two dozen co-sponsors from both major political parties, and is endorsed by nearly 200 organizations with diverse viewpoints. This bipartisan backing reflects recognition across the political spectrum of the importance of civic education and has forged a shared understanding that civic education is not a partisan issue but a national priority essential for the future of American democracy.

While lawmakers work to increase funding, educators have another important task: achieving excellence in history and civics education for all students, K-12, despite the currently high degrees of disengagement. Pedagogies that best engage students fuse together coverage of essential topics like the three branches of government, the legislative process, the Electoral College, and the philosophical foundations of democracy with opportunity to develop the skills and civic dispositions and virtues needed to become an informed, engaged, and responsible citizen. Those skills range from public speaking and participating effectively in meetings, to understanding, appreciating, and evaluating evidence and diverse perspectives, to collaborating productively across lines of ideological difference. The necessary civic dispositions and virtues include caring about others’ rights and well-being, valuing respectful conversations, and being open to different viewpoints, as well as having a sense of the common good and believing one can make a difference. Pedagogies focused on pluralism and skills like civil disagreement and constructive dialogue are also crucial. As the Educating for American Democracy initiative—another cross-partisan endeavor grounded in a commitment to pluralism—has articulated, an inquiry-based approach to learning can fuse pursuit of core knowledge with the development of civic skills, dispositions, and virtues.

Experiential learning, which involves students directly in their own learning processes, is also an important part of an excellent civic education. Such programs nurture collaboration, discovery, and service to the community, and help learners develop a deeper understanding of policy and decision-making processes. Furthermore, through experiential learning, students can apply their content knowledge and analytical skills to problems confronting their own communities. Examples range from the Girl Scouts and Junior ROTC to Chicago’s Mikva Challenge, which gives young people the opportunity to participate in real-life democratic activities. Simulating or participating in real-world civic activities helps young people not only develop skills that are critical for a functioning democracy, but also build self-confidence and social capital, improve conflict resolution skills, and develop a sense of social belonging.

Institutions of higher education also have an essential role: to build the civic capacities of college students and support civic education initiatives nationally. They are well positioned to create new curricular practices or enhance existing ones in support of civic learning and the development of important citizenship traits.

There is no one-size-fits-all approach to civic learning, and states with conservative, progressive, urban, rural, and other diverse profiles have adopted varied policy strategies. For example, New Hampshire’s bipartisan “More Time on Civics” measure, signed by Governor Chris Sununu in August 2023, mandates a semester of civics for middle school students and incorporates civics instruction in elementary school. In Minnesota, those entering high school during the 2024-25 school year or later will now be required to complete a civics course as juniors or seniors. Kentucky is piloting a new Civic Seal program, sponsored by Secretary of State Michael Adams. This seal will honor students who demonstrate good citizenship through a student-led civic engagement project, a strong understanding of governance and democratic principles, proficiency in information literacy, and thoughtful self-reflection. These are just a few examples of how different states are adopting policies that fit their context.

Civics Transcends Politics

Cross-partisan support for civic education initiatives is crucial to their success and sustainability. The broad coalition backing the Civics Secures Democracy Act demonstrates that this is an issue that transcends political divides, and not just in Congress. According to survey data from Republican pollster Frank Luntz, a majority of Americans think the time is here for increased investment in civic education. The findings show that Americans of all political stripes believe civic education will have a more positive impact on strengthening our national common identity than any other democratic reform respondents were asked about.

Cross-partisan approaches, such as the Educating for American Democracy initiative, also help ensure that civic education receives the funding and resources it needs to be effectively implemented across the country. Furthermore, cross-partisan efforts can help counteract the politicization of and contestation over civics curricula that we are currently seeing in some states, including Florida and Texas. By forging coalitions that are diverse in identity and viewpoint, we can foster a more inclusive and comprehensive approach to teaching civics. This helps to build consensus around the importance of civic education for a healthy democracy and encourages collaboration among educators, policymakers, and community organizations.

The need for civic education in our constitutional democracy is urgent, especially in the face of rising polarization and declining trust in democratic institutions. By securing adequate funding, increasing public awareness, supporting state and local initiatives, encouraging research and innovation, and promoting pluralism, Congress can play a pivotal role in revitalizing it. If legislators work together across party lines, they can ensure that future generations are equipped with the knowledge, skills, and civic dispositions and virtues necessary to uphold and strengthen American democracy.

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Danielle S. Allen is James Bryant Conant University Professor at Harvard University and Director of the Allen Lab for Democracy Renovation at Harvard Kennedy School's Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation.

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Carah Ong Whaley is Director of Election Protection at Issue One and a lecturer in the Department of Politics at the University of Virginia.

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